Sunday, March 31, 2013

PSA : A l'intérieur de l'usine en lutte d'Aulnay

Aujourd'hui, nous avons été invités par les ouvriers et ouvrières en lutte de PSA dans l'usine d'Aulnay. Après plusieurs mois à leur côté "de l'extérieur", nous avons pu voir comment la lutte se déroulait et s'organisait à l'intérieur de l'usine. Les rencontres et les discussions ont été riches et nous remercions les camarades pour leur accueil chaleureux.
Pour les avoir côtoyés depuis un moment, on savait qu'ils et elles étaient organisés. Mais lorsqu'on est à l'intérieur, on s'aperçoit à quel point. Aucune question relative à la grève, à la solidarité interne et externe, à la répression, aux actions, à la caisse de grève, au développement des relations avec les autres usines, au gouvernement, au patron, à la sécurité, à la culture, etc. n'est écartée et chaque facteur, même minime, est pris en compte pour faire en sorte que la grève soit la plus opérationnelle et la plus efficace possible.
Chacun et chacune peut trouver sa place dans cette mécanique superbe dont seuls les ouvriers et ouvrières, de par leur quotidien et leur condition, font marcher les rouages avec autant de maîtrise.
Le mot d'ordre est résolument la détermination, avec comme vision le mouvement d'ensemble qui permettra à la classe ouvrière d'avoir le rapport de force pour imposer ses mots d'ordre. Les PSA d'Aulnay vont ainsi à la rencontre des autres sites du groupe, des sous-traitants et des autres boîtes en lutte. Loin d'être renfermée sur elle-même, la grève va à la recherche de ses alliés naturels. Pas pour rien qu'elle soit si populaire et qu'elle trouve un soutien au-delà de nos frontières. L'introduction à l'Assemblée Générale de ce matin en témoigne :

Il n'y a pas un ou une seule gréviste qui pense que le combat sera facile. Cette conscience renforce la détermination. Et l'organisation renforce la confiance dans la capacité au mouvement de se développer, en dépit des hauts et des bas qu'il a traversé, traverse et traversera. Cette force, cette puissance collective, les grévistes la transmettent aux ouvriers et ouvrières qui ne sont pas en grève pour des raisons financières. Et c'est là, comme nous l'explique le Camarade dans l'extrait audio ci-dessous, que la caisse de grève et la solidarité financière venue de toute la France et d'ailleurs, agit comme un argument supplémentaire en faveur de la grève.

Nous en profitons d'ailleurs pour appeler encore une fois au développement des initiatives de solidarité avec la grève à PSA et plus largement avec les ouvriers et ouvrières en lutte. Déposons des caisses de solidarité dans nos bibliothèques, nos piscines, nos salles de concert et de spectacle, nos maisons de quartier, nos foyers, nos clubs sportifs, nos boulangeries, nos bars, nos lieux de travail, etc.
Cette paye de grève, c'est le fruit d'un vrai travail. Pas un travail de production pour engranger des profits pour le patron et les actionnaires. Un travail qui enrichit l'ensemble de la classe ouvrière dans la continuité de son combat pour le respect, la dignité et la prise de conscience de sa capacité à pouvoir diriger l'ensemble de la société. Car c'est bien la pratique réelle de la lutte, le feu de la lutte de classe, qui forge l'avenir de la future société pour laquelle nous nous battons. Et ça, la grève de PSA Aulnay le démontre par la complexité et l'efficacité de son organisation. 
Bien sûr, les pas sont encore nombreux à franchir et le rapport de force n'est pas encore en notre faveur. Ce sera un processus long, au cours duquel nous ferons l'expérience de l'apprentissage du pouvoir, radicalement différent de celui des capitalistes dont le gouvernement actuel n'est que l'expression. Mais nous avons confiance en notre classe pour avancer, se relever après les chutes, apprendre de ses erreurs, s'organiser, combattre et finalement remporter la victoire, c'est à dire abolir l'exploitation de l'Homme par l'Homme.
La Cause du Peuple
 

L'Assemblée Générale
 
La place de la grève
 


The revolution in India : Maoist revolution at Jharkhand , lohardanga.

The revolution in India : Maoist revolution at Jharkhand , lohardanga.
The news is being gotten that Jharkhand Maoists are giving training to poor or proletariat adivasi children. The news is coming from lohardanga’s common people. The people of pathari village is saying that the Maoists are convincing logically the pupils then membership and arms training are given to them secretly. Mao supported third preparing committee’s cadres are following the village’s schools, then they are taking the pupils into the party.13 to 14 years fresh students are taken to the party. Poor parents, villagers are forwarding their young kids to the maoist party in hoping of future development, socialism. They have no speech about the fact. No objection! With arms training , the pupils are getting monetary help too. This is the start of socialism . The bourgeois state has given nothing to the poor kids, people. What they have given to them is continuous oppression. But the Maoists are giving arms protection and monetary help too. Which side the people will go to  ? To bourgeoise kings side to get more oppression or to socailsm. They are choosing the second way for a better future of proletariat. And this is inevitable , noone can resist the revolution. It would succeed sooner or later. However! Still there are some betrayers of the revolution, they are being killed for the interest of it. A girl or boy is being taken from each poor family of latehar. There is no proper education process, no income way in the region. What the parents do? They ofcourse want a better future for their kids.So noway without socialism! They are sending their kids to the maoist camp. Good decision! They must win. Even the Maoists are providing money and foods to the proletariat families. What the bourgeois parties and their oppressing state has given them? Nothing! They are giving only oppression to the poor but their order to them is to stay with the rotten system. This is nothing but only a shameless bourgeoise anarchy. And to keep up the bourgeoise anarchy all the bourgeoise parties , their backed communal parties and their left breaking agents or fake lefts united! The terrible anarchy! Even the Maoists are providing more better education than bourgeoise oppressing valueless education to the kids. But yes Maoists don’t take rich’s kids! So you cant compare them with the bourgeoise system made street kids catchers, dacoists (bourgeoise) etc. etc just! They have a great goal in front of them. That’s socialism! Long live Indian Maoism!
Long live the revolution!
Comradely,
Sanjib sinha
Even one part of the bourgeoise administration does not resist the revolution since they are getting the win of rev. is inevitable. They are getting their fault. They more get their fault that’s more better human class! Better for humanism!

Interventions et messages de la Conférence de Hambourg

Les interventions et messages de la Conférence de Hambourg sont enfin disponibles en français.

Vous pouvez les téléchargez en PDF en cliquant sur l’image ci-dessous ou nous écrire pour avoir la version papier (csrinde[at]yahoo.fr).

Bonne lecture !

Solidarité contre la répression policière à Montréal: Nous ne nous soumettrons pas au règlement municipal P-6

29 mars 2013
Avec cette déclaration publique, nous affirmons notre opposition au règlement P-6: nous continuerons de manifester sans négocier l’itinéraire avec la police et nous contesterons systématiquement toute contravention en vertu de ce règlement.
Ces dernières années ont été marquées par une escalade de la répression policière à Montréal. Au moment où le nombre des mouvements politiques qui prennent la rue d’assaut augmente sans cesse, les manifestations se voient attaquées plus brutalement et plus arbitrairement que jamais. Bâtons rétractables, matraques, lacrymogènes, poivre de Cayenne et balles de plastique; de plus en plus, nos camarades subissent des arrestations de masse, sont brutaliséEs, humiliéEs, prisEs en souricière et, dans plusieurs cas, gravement blesséEs.
Dans ce contexte d’escalade répressive le Service de police de la ville de Montréal (SPVM) emploie une nouvelle pratique: arrêter les manifestantEs avant même qu’ils et elles puissent se regrouper pour manifester. À trois reprises au cours de la même semaine (le 15 mars lors de la Journée internationale contre la brutalité policière, le 18 mars avant la manifestation nocturne et le 22 mars lors de la manifestation pour le premier anniversaire des manifestations étudiantes du 22 de chaque mois) le SPVM a mis un terme aux manifestations avant même leur commencement en encerclant les manifestantEs avec l’anti-émeute et en les arrêtant en masse, par centaines. Un des objectifs évidents de la police est d’effrayer les potentiels manifestantEs pour les dissuader de reprendre la rue.
Puisque le SPVM ne peut se permettre de faire ces arrestations préventives en vertu d’accusations criminelles; (aucun motif légal ne lui permet de le faire) il a recours au règlement municipal P-6 qui rend toute manifestation illégale si aucun itinéraire n’a été communiqué d’avance à la police. Une infraction au règlement municipal n’est pas criminelle; c’est un peu l’équivalent d’une contravention de stationnement. Toutefois, une infraction au P-6 donne lieu à une contravention de 500$ (637$ avec les frais) pour une première offense dans le contexte d’une manifestation.
Le règlement P-6 interdit «de gêner le mouvement, la marche ou la présence des citoyens qui utilisent également le domaine public à cette occasion». Comment peut-on prendre la rue sans gêner la circulation routière ou piétonnière? De plus le P-6 ordonne non seulement de communiquer notre itinéraire, mais suppose de demander l’approbation de notre trajet à la police. Cela équivaut à donner à la police le pouvoir arbitraire de refuser notre trajet si celui-ci est jugé potentiellement trop perturbateur et ainsi d’empêcher notre passage devant un lieu choisit comme «cible» politique.
Nous refusons de négocier avec la police notre liberté d’expression, notre droit de manifester et notre droit de perturber l’ordre social, politique et économique en place, que nous considérons profondément injuste et illégitime.
Une partie de la responsabilité de répondre à cette répression nous incombe, en tant que mouvements populaires et organisations communautaires autonomes. Il n’existe aucune obligation de fournir à la police un itinéraire et le SPVM en particulier, qui abuse impunément de son autorité, ne mérite aucune collaboration de notre part. Au contraire, nous devons nous responsabiliser les unEs vis-à-vis les autres, et vis-à-vis les mouvements sociaux auxquels nous appartenons. Nous avons toujours eu et auront toujours le droit légitime de manifester spontanément, et ce, avec des itinéraires de notre choix, qui reflètent nos besoins et revendications.
Face à la répression policière, reprenons la rue, arméEs d’entraide et de solidarité.
Ce message est endossé par:
La Convergence des luttes anticapitalistes (CLAC)
Personne n’est illégal-Montréal / No One Is Illegal
Le Groupe de recherche d’intérêt public (GRIP) à Concordia
Parti communiste révolutionnaire
(Si votre groupe endosse aussi cette déclaration, veuillez communiquer avec la CLAC à l’adresse suivante: info@clac-montreal.net)
(Consultez la liste à jour des endosseurs.)
RAPPEL: IL EST FACILE DE CONTESTER UNE OFFENSE AU P-6.
Assurez-vous de plaider «non-coupable» sur la contravention et de demander la «divulgation complète de la preuve», puis de la poster à la Cour municipale de la ville de Montréal dans un délai de 30 jours suivant l’événement. La constitutionnalité de cette loi municipale sera contestée, tout comme les multiples contraventions l’ont aussi été en masse. Ainsi, personne ne devrait s’attendre à devoir payer cette amende dans de brefs délais, si tant est qu’il faille même la payer un jour.
* * *

Manifestation et désobéissance civile contre le règlement anti-manifestation P-6 de Montréal

VENDREDI, LE 5 AVRIL, 18h (arrivez à l’heure et amenez unE amiE) au coin de Ste-Catherine et Berri, Parc Émilie-Gamelin (métro Berri-UQÀM)
-> Cette manifestation est familiale et est une action de désobéissance civile.
-> Nous ne partagerons pas l’itinéraire de la manifestation avec la police de Montréal; cela signifie qu’il y a un risque d’être encercléEs et de recevoir des contraventions, nous vous avertissons à l’avance.
-> Nous pressons toutes les personnes qui veulent défendre notre capacité de manifester spontanément sans la permission de la police à venir appuyer cette action EN GRAND NOMBRE.
-> S’il-vous-plaît, arrivez à l’heure! Nous prendrons la rue aussitôt que possible.
-> Venez à la manifestation avec unE amiE ou organisez vous en groupe d’affinité pour vous soutenir mutuellement.
Organisé par la Convergence des luttes anticapitalistes (CLAC), en collaboration avec l’appel initial pour une manifestation par CORAIL
Info: www.clac-montreal.netinfo@clac-montreal.net

Friday, March 29, 2013

Document from FRDDP Brasil on the Elections Boycott


Left joined in Serbia

On Monday, 24 March, was  signed an agreement on cooperation and unity of action between 6 left political organizations to become an integral part of the Communist Movement in Serbia. The agreement was signed at the premises of the KPS in Belgrade. This important historical event was created as a result of increasing pressure on workers reactionary forces of Serbia, due to the policy of the state leadership which inexorably, for 23 years, leads the country in total misery and despair, the shameful and treacherous foreign policy by the state administration as well as the strong tendency of the left to oppose such a rampage by the local oligarchy. The savage dismemberment of a sovereign Yugoslavia, and later some former republics, led the central Balkan region into a state of total anarchy and pillage, created the ground for all kinds of criminal activities and places where people who are honest and working for themselves can find only pain and suffering. Left, progressive forces of Serbia, triggered the creation of a strong block of the left, with the aim to establish a political equilibrium in this unipolar system and later the establishment of a just and humane socialist state. The agreement is based on the following platforms:

1. Serbian Communist Movement includes all political groups, movements, associations and political parties, which agree and accept this common platform.
2. Serbian communist movement is in the broader sense committed to changing structure of capitalist into a socialist. Actually it calls for:

a) the abolition of private ownership of the means of production,
b) return and establishment of worker self-management,
c) the system of planned economy
d) free education and free health care,
e) Work as a right and not a privilege,
f) guarantees the right to a pension after 60 years,
g) a socially just and responsible state,
h) a strong military and organized TO (the civil defense),
j) active international coexistence, proletarian internationalism and return to the Non-Aligned Movement.

3. Serbian Communist Movement will lead a permanent and uncompromising fight against crime, corruption, social injustice and all which is detriment for workers, peasants, students and youth.
4. Serbian Communist Movement is clearly against relations or entering of Serbia into any capitalist organization like the IMF, World Bank, NATO or the EU.
5. Serbian Communist Movement will be coordinated and continuously work on the creation and dissemination of class consciousness among the citizens of Serbia, through its media or media that support this movement.
6. Serbian Communist Movement will keep and preserve historical tradition of anti-fascist struggle and NOB.
7. Members of the Serbian Communist Movement  are independent in their work, except when it comes to the decision of the coordinating body on joint action, actions, or any other aspect of working together.
8. All the members of this movement have a responsibility to adhere to decisions of the coordinating body.
9. All organizations, movements or political parties which in their internal programs contain provisions contrary to the common platform of the movement, can not under be part of this movement.

Serbian communist movement was founded 09 September 2012, and registered 24.01.2013. under number BU 10380/2012. The composition of the movement, with the agreement entered by the following organizations, is: the Communist Party of Serbia (KPS), New Communist Party of Serbia (NKPS), Yugoslavia Tito Centre (JCT), the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Serbia, the student movement - Red October, Revolutionary Youth Front (ORF), Communists of Kraljevo and a couple of local left organizations. In future Movement expect  to strengthen its membership  and other organizations that belong to the left, and whose programs are not inconsistent with the basic software platform movement.
Leadership of the movement strongly expressed opposition to the admission of organizations whose program basis diverging from a common platform and will do everything to protect the movement of ideological mess.

Serbian Communist Movement

Sunday, March 24, 2013

in the May First 2013 announcement of date of International Day Support people's war in India, after Hamburg International Conference 24 november 2012


the May first 2012 declaration prepares the new step for May First 2013 march towards International mlm Conference !

May Day 2012 - To overcome the crisis of capitalism, proletarian revolution is the only solution!

 
May Day 2012 - To overcome the crisis of capitalism, proletarian revolution is the only solution!
“The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.
But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians.”
Marx & Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1847
165 years after its writing, this quote remains relevant. It allows us to understand the situation in which the proletariat and the broad popular masses in all countries find themselves, regardless of who leads the government: they live under a concealed dictatorship, be it a bourgeois democratic or a brutal one.
The imperialist bourgeoisie is looking for the maximum rate of profit; it is using the crisis as a pretext to achieve this objective by restructuring the system of production. Within this, the ruling classes in the oppressed countries try to maintain and possibly increase their share in the surplus. Such restructuring is affecting all countries; for the working class and the masses, it means the delocalization of large industries: plant closings, wage cuts, unemployment, debt, impoverishment, etc. But in the places where the new plants are to be opened, restructuring means land grabs, expropriation of local farmers, frenzied exploitation, poverty wages, destruction of the environment, etc.
The ruling classes use the state apparatus to suppress the proletariat’s struggles and prevent them and the masses from revolting and organizing for the revolution.
Everywhere, the State is more and more becoming a police state that brings the population under surveillance and repression.
Whether it is the “left” or right, no segment of the bourgeoisie has the capacity to solve the crisis. The persistence of the crisis prepares the ground for fascism; fascism is advancing in disguise. It is building step by step through populist demagogy, relying on the economic crisis. In due time, it will show its true colors by aggressively defending the interests of finance capital. Meanwhile, competition between the different monopolist blocks raises the question of redivision of markets and therefore suggests new wars are on the horizon.
The class nature of the state is the central issue. The form it takes is only circumstantial. The primary purpose of the state is to serve the interests of the ruling class, that is to say, those of the imperialist bourgeoisie and/or of the comprador-bureaucrat bourgeoisie and landlords in the oppressed nations —which is a tiny minority compared to the vast majority of men, women and children who are facing exploitation worldwide. Given the crisis, this is becoming clearer to the masses. The central task of any revolution is to radically destroy the state apparatus and, thereafter, to build on its ruins a new and radically different state, with the objective of building socialism as a means of transition to communism. In other words, revolution is the only answer to the crisis!
Today, the proletariat and the masses are struggling and rebelling in many countries. These rebellions are expressed in different and varying ways: through general strikes, by fighting against high prices, against layoffs, for the right to work, against the crushing of militant trade unions, for the right to land, to protect the environment, through occupation of housing and empty land, youth rebellions against police violence and a life without work and without furure, struggles of women, etc.
In the Arab countries, after the uprisings that lacked a revolutionary leadership, the ruling classes and imperialism are regaining control of the situation in the name of “democracy;” they are enforcing the same rule of exploitation against the people by opposing the continuation of the revolutionary process. The protest movement’s focus is being diverted by imperialist interventions, by reactionary forces, by secular or religious reformists crushed bloodily.
In the Arab oppressed countries, as well as in all the colonial and semi-colonial countries, it has become more and more important to develop the New Democratic Revolution, as part of the socialist revolution.
In the imperialist countries, the “Occupy” movement is reflecting the massive discontent of the people, but it does not sufficiently challenge the system in its entirety.
These proletarian struggles and rebellions are not revolutionary in and of themselves but they are a first step in the realization by the masses of the necessity of revolution. However it is important to unmask the path and illusions of a peaceful change, alternation, deceitful elections.
Today’s communists (the Maoists) must participate in and gradually take the lead of those struggles. They must build the revolutionary force of the proletariat at the ideological, political and organizational levels, and especially the three essential tools of revolution: a Maoist Communist Party, a revolutionary United Front, and an Armed Force, according to the particular situation.
We must struggle against reformists, revisionists and opportunists who lead the protest struggles with a conciliatory spirit in the existing trade unions and mass organizations; they only offer “solutions” within the current capitalist and imperialist system, spreading the illusion among the masses that the electoral and peaceful path may be a solution for the proletariat and the masses to overcome the crisis. They are an obstacle to the expansion of class struggle and the organization of the working class and the masses for revolution.
Meanwhile, the reactionaries are using differences of origin, religion and racism to divide the proletariat, the working class and the popular masses, as a trick to preserve their power.
Everywhere we must popularize and support the people’s wars currently being waged as spearhead of the fight against the crisis of imperialism.
Led by the CPI (Maoist), the People’s War in India is successfully resisting attacks from the enemy and is managing to expand and grow. The People’s War is also unfolding in the Philippines under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines, which upholds Maoism. In Peru, it is continuing despite the action from a liquidationist current. In Turkey, the revolutionary struggle led by the Maoists is advancing in accordance with the people’s war strategy. In other countries, new initiatives and advances are in preparation.
We must fight in a situation of uneven development to end the capitalist system over the whole world and build a new world free from exploitation, from peoples’ oppression and deadly wars, for a socialist and communist world.
We must work to rebuild the international organization of communists, based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; we must apply MLM to the concrete reality of today, to jointly develop the struggle for revolution and establishing a Communist International of a new type.
Long Live Internationalist May Day!
Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan; Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari]; Maoist Communist Party–France; Maoist Communist Party–Italy; Maoist Communist Party of Manipur; Maoist Communist Party–Turkey/North-Kurdistan; Revolutionary Communist Party,  Canada; Founding Committee for the (maoist) Communist Party, Austria; Maoist Communist Movement, Tunisia; Maoist Communist Organization, Tunisia; Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of Morocco; Organization of Workers of Afghanistan (M-L-M); People Struggle Committee Manolo Bello, Galicia, Spanish State; Revolutionary Praxis, United Kingdom; Servir le Peuple, Occitany, French State, Democracy and Class, Wales (United Kingdom).

down revisionism, avakianism, prachandism for a 'new RIM' as New International MLM Organisition !

resolution N° 2 - Special Meeting of parties of RIM for International Conference of mlm Parties and Organisations of the world - May first 2012


The devastations of imperialist globalisation, wars of aggression and the devastating economic crisis of the imperialist system and its impact on proletarians and the broad masses have awakened worldwide a wave of struggles and revolts.
In this context a potential new wave of the world proletarian revolution develops and emerges, with the people's wars led by Maoist parties as its reference points and strategic anchor. The realisation of this potential ultimately depends on how successful the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties are in fulfilling their revolutionary tasks at national and international level. The pooling of their understanding and experience and the development of their capacity to take a united revolutionary message to the rebellious masses all over the world, have decisive importance. Unfortunately there has been a lag in this matter. This is severely compounded by the crisis in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), which is now defunct.
In this situation steps need to be taken to work for the building of an effective international MLM organization that can aid the fulfilment of revolutionary tasks and take the collective voice of the Maoists to the proletariat and struggling peoples. Therefore, we should move towards holding a new conference of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations throughout the world. This conference should take up the task of building an international organization based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
It is appropriate that this task should be informed by the positive and negative experiences of RIM, given its experience in building and functioning as an international organisation during its nearly three decades of existence. As part of the work for the conference and the building of an international organization we need a summation worked out by all the parties and organization which has been part of this experience. Here we put forward some preliminary views.
  1. Following Mao Zedong’s death in 1976, the Chinese revisionists seized political power through a military coup d’état, thus causing the Communist Party of China (CPC) to degenerate into a revisionist party––overthrowing proletarian political power, bringing down socialism, and transforming revolutionary China into reactionary China. Moreover, the emergence of the Hoxhaite revisionist line in the Party of Labour of Albania, influenced a certain number of communist parties and organizations throughout the world, and ended up producing a serious assault on the international communist movement.
Despite this context of defeat, some Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations, that did not follow either the Chinese or Hoxhaite variants of revisionism, though few in number, held the first international conference of Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations in 1980 and passed a Joint Communiqué, A Call to the Proletariat and the Oppressed Peoples of the World. Although this conference did not result in the creation of a stable international organization it prepared the ground for a second international conference in 1984.
The formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) in this second conference of 1984 was a positive international, theoretical and practical endeavour that responded to the ideological, political and organizational needs and necessities of the international communist movement in the circumstances of a period defined by the crisis that had engulfed the communist movement following the defeat of the Chinese revolution.
The Declaration of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement that was passed at this conference - on the basis of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism (Mao Zedong Thought as it was then termed) and a principled opposition to the modern Russian and Chinese revisionism (as well as the Hoxhaite dogmato-revisionism) - provided a basic ideological-political framework for the foundation of the movement .
  1. In its past three decades of struggles the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, since it was based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, achieved important theoretical and practical gains that were principled and worthy of further development. The documents passed in the international conferences and the expanded meetings of RIM (like the Declaration of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and the Millennium Resolution), despite some of their deficiencies and shortcomings, were all important theoretical contributions to the advancement of the Movement, as part of the international communist movement. The internationalist support to the people’s war in Peru and PCP, including the historical campaign in defence of Dr: Abimael Guzman, the contribution and support for the start and continuation of the people’s war in Nepal for its ten years, the publishing of the journal A World To Win in several languages that allowed to make known ideological and political understandings and analysis of the Movement and its parties and organizations in different countries, and statements issued have been notable features of the role played by the RIM in the international communist movement.
  2. The founding conference of the RIM had recognised the necessity of building a new communist international of a new type. To realize this, the Declaration of the RIM correctly identified the twin tasks of evolving ‘a general line and a correct and viable organisational form, conforming to the complex reality of the present-day world and the challenges it poses.’
  3. The interim committee – conceived as an embryonic political center - was formed with the task of working for the process of furthering the ideological, political and organisational unity of communists, including the preparation of a draft proposal for a general line for the communist movement. But this task was not fulfilled by the Corim and the RIM could not reach this goal.
  4. In the experience of RIM, the existence of such a center, formed for enabling a consistent and unified role for this Movement has given mixed results. There were some good results. There have also been serious lapses, hegemonic tendencies in functioning that negated the collectiveness that was the RIM, sorely undermined its unity, hindered the incorporation of more MLM parties and thus blocked the fulfilment of the tasks it had set for itself.
The new international organization should have an executive centre, whose internal life and methods correspond to the stage and methods shared by the political parties and forces that give life to this organization. It should function with the competency and commitment to work within the framework of the decisions and agreements of the international organization as decided in its conferences and other meetings. As in all other matters, here too, the consistent defence, application and development of MLM and the fulfilment of their own internationalist tasks and obligations by the individual parties are the ultimate guarantee.
In spite of its positive aspects, our Movement could not fulfil the tasks it had taken up and entered a crisis. When revisionism of Bob Avakian’s post-MLM 'new synthesis' variety became dominant in the Revolutionary Communist Party-USA and of the Prachanda-Bhattarai variety became dominant in the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), not only did these parties deviate from the path of revolution and communism, but the destructive and disparaging effects of their counter-revolutionary lines negatively affected the parties and organizations within RIM, specifically the Committee of RIM (CoRIM), in an extensive and profound manner. These are the immediate ideological sources that have led to the current crisis and collapse of the RIM.
We propose the convening of an international conference in order reactivate and reorganize an international organization. We believe that this task must be jointly taken up with the involvement of the Maoist parties leading people’s wars, and all the Maoist forces, including those outside the RIM, so that the conference will benefit from their views and experiences. In order to achieve this aim a process of ideological, political debate must be carried out. As part of preparation for the conference and serving its aims, we will it necessary to organise a seminar on ‘Summation of Experiences of RIM, ICML, and other International Initiatives.’
Through this whole process the points of unity and differences can be identified and a relatively advanced platform can be arrived at, to become the basis of a new international unity concretised in a new international organisation. In the current circumstances, the execution of this revolutionary responsibility can demonstrate a practical expression of the internationalist communist slogan, “workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite.” It is this that will allow the MLM communist parties to establish and develop Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, realize a new unity of the international communist movement, place it at the van of worldwide people’s struggles and fully unleash and realize the potential new wave of world revolution.
With revolutionary greetings,
for SM of RIM
signed and diffused from
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan;
Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari];
Maoist Communist Party - Italy;

May First 2012 

towards International mlm Conference in the May First a new step !

resolution N° 1 - Special Meeting of Parties of RIM for International Conference of mlm Parties and Organisations of the world - May first 2012


The imperialist system is going through the most severe crisis since the 1930s. The current attempts to address and overcome the crisis only serve to deepen and extend it.
The structural crisis that emerged in the field of finance has gradually extended to the field of production, bringing about a deepening recession. The crisis proceeds under the law of uneven development within the pursuit of the maximum extortion of surplus value and the contention on the world market.
The crisis has its origin in the laws of running of the capitalist system itself. It is the expression of the limits of production for profit, and the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production, including the general and global nature of the production and private appropriation. In the world scene this means an ever growing gap between the wealth of a handful of imperialist countries and the poverty of three quarters of human beings in the countries oppressed by imperialism, between the wealth in the hands of the bourgeoisie and the relative and absolute impoverishment of proletarians and masses in the imperialist countries , between the overflowing richness of a parasitic and comprador bourgeoisie and the living conditions of misery and hunger of the proletariat and broad masses in the countries oppressed by imperialism.
It is clear that a system dominated by these laws, these dynamics, can only go into crisis, and overproduction and capital surplus become factors of crisis.
The phenomena of heightened and speculative “financialization” are the tip of the iceberg of the dynamics of the system, which become point of implosion and explosion.
The “financialization” of the economy – the main immediate cause of the crisis – tends to reject any control. So the efforts of capitalism and its ruling imperialist powers to get out of crisis through regulation and control of the financial markets and use of the opportunities offered by high growth rates, even if disarticulated, of some countries such as China, India and Brazil have so far not succeeded. Although these efforts should not be underestimated, they cannot ensure more than a temporary recovery, one which opens the door to new and even more distressing crises.
The world is still faced with two possibilities: the exit from capitalism or a painful temporary recovery from this crisis by strengthening, enhancing the mechanisms of capital and thus prolonging the misery of the masses.
The imperialist bourgeoisie all over the world take advantage of the crisis to restructure imperialism on a global scale and save the interests of their class for their profits.
This leads to unloading the vicious weight of the crisis on the workers and masses. In both the oppressed countries and imperialist countries, unemployment, job insecurity and the cost of living increase, exploitation is ratcheted up to modern forms of slavery, workers' rights are reduced, social achievements won through years of struggles are erased, factories are closed with massive layoffs, peasants are ruined and driven to suicide, cuts in social expenditures and privatization of education and healthcare grow, the logic of commodification and profit is extended even to primary goods, such as water, air, sun, etc..
These policies are carried out within the contention for domination on the imperialist world market and geopolitical strategic areas, but the unitary character of the policies to unload crisis on the proletarians and the masses is emphatically clear.
The policy of imperialism accentuates and makes more and more catastrophic the effects of the system in terms of ecological and natural disasters. Imperialism transforms factors of development in the field of science, culture and education, information technology, access to media, communication, extension of the freedom of young people and the processes of emancipation of women, into new and more refined chains. In the context of crisis this results in massive intellectual unemployment, social control and most extreme forms of barbarism, new neo medieval attacks on women's rights and the regimentation of youth.
The balance of power among the imperialists is in a flux. Though the US still remains the sole super power its capacities have been considerably weakened, by the resistance of is victims and the crisis. This gave some room for the EU grouping. However similar factors have negatively impacted on their position too. Russia had not been affected so much by the crisis. Through its axis with China and consolidating ties with erstwhile Soviet Union republics, it has gained some advantage and has stepped up contention. Overall collusion is still principal in inter-imperialist relations. But imperialism in crisis, develops within it contradictions that can become potential sources of a new world war. Imperialist powers, mainly the US, unleash and accentuate wars of aggression, invasion, and neo-colonialism in the different regions of the world where their interests are vital or threatened. In developing these wars, it continues with the arms race and gets equipped with more and more devastating military instruments, surpassing all limits enshrined in international conventions and human rights.
One or the other form of fascistic control has always been the norm in oppressed countries, even where a parliamentary system exists. In recent years, a tendency to modern fascism grows inside the imperialist countries also. This takes shape according to the characteristics of history, the reality and the culture of each country. It strives to establish once again the totalitarian, racist, securitarian and police-state forms of the rule of the bourgeoisie.
Imperialism is poverty, reaction and war. The crisis reveals that welfare, democracy and peace become more and more words that cover an opposite substance.
The devastating economic crisis of imperialism and its impact on proletarians and the broad masses have awakened worldwide a wave of struggles and revolts.
In the countries oppressed by imperialism, the protests, rebellions and liberation struggles have found in the revolts in Arab countries and in the Persian Gulf a new height and a new dawn. Young people, proletarians and the masses and, in some cases, organized sectors of workers, attacked and overthrew dictatorial regimes subservient to imperialism that seemed permanent. This has paved the way for new anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, anti-feudal, new-democratic revolutions.
False anti-imperialist regimes, such as those of Libya, Syria, Iran, and openly pro-imperialist ones such as those in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain. Yemen, Morocco, Algeria, as well as the military regimes that have replaced the reactionary tyrants in Tunisia and Egypt, unleashed massacres and repression. Hiding under the flag of democracy imperialism intervened in these struggles and maneuvered to remove unreliable regimes and replace worn out servitors with new ones. It launched a war and occupied Libya. But the wave of "Arab springtimes" continue. Globally they have achieved an important position as a new front in the battle between imperialism and the peoples. They join those existing in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. In these countries, the occupation and invasions of imperialists and Zionists have faced heavy resistance. This forced them to reshape their occupation plans and prevented them in a substantial manner from realizing their aims. Apart from the Arab and West Asian countries, people in Latin America, Africa and other regions of Asia have repeatedly taken to the streets to resist the attacks on their livelihoods. The persistent and growing labor strikes and peasant struggles in China is notable.
In this new wave of struggle and resistance we must support and strengthen the struggle for the liberation of peoples and for new democracy, towards socialism and communism, and oppose the pro-Western and Islamist currents which ride the tiger of people’s struggles in order to impose new chains and new subordination to the reactionary classes and their masters of all time, imperialism, mainly of the U.S. and Europe.
The wave of unrest, flaring up of rebellions and struggles involving hundreds of thousands of youth in the imperialist countries is a distinguishing feature of the present world. The exciting uprisings of the proletarian youth, which shakes the imperialist citadels, marks the entry of a new generation. Facing a life without a future, through their rebellions they shout "it is right to rebel" and declare that it is capitalism that has no future. Now fused, now in parallel, this development is coupled to a rise in labor struggles. General strikes have summoned to action the whole workers movement, especially in countries hit hardest by the crisis Greece, Spain, Italy...
The workers' struggles have had a new development in Eastern Europe, where to the bite of wild capitalism following the collapse of false socialist regimes, was added the quick transformation into systems even worse than before.
New waves of immigrants flock to the imperialist countries in hope of a better life. They flee from poverty and war devastations caused by these countries. To reach their destinations they have to put their lives at risk through untold suffering which often turn the seas into cemeteries. The imperialists respond with harsh anti-immigrant laws and racism. The emergence of modern fascism, of police states, the growing frequency of wars of aggression and anti-immigrant laws have been responded to by the masses through the development of anti-fascist and anti-racist movements, and broad movements against the war.
This is the context in which a potential new wave of the world proletarian revolution develops and emerges. It has as its reference points and strategic anchor the people's wars led by Maoist parties.
To this we must add the preparation of several new people's wars, particularly in Turkey and South Asia, with the potential for it in Latin America, and throughout the rest of the world, with the constitution of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (MLM) communist
parties. In this framework, the new MLM communist parties in the imperialist countries represent the potential for a quantum leap in revolutionary struggle and the unity of the two currents of the world proletarian revolution: the socialist revolution in the imperialist countries and the new democratic revolution, marching towards socialism, in the countries oppressed by imperialism.
All this shows that the principal contradiction in the world is that between imperialism and oppressed peoples, while both the contradictions between the proletariat and bourgeoisie and the inter-imperialist contradictions also sharpen. In the crisis it is increasingly clear that the revolution is the main trend.
In the current international situation the task of communists is to make revolution in the different countries, because the revolution is the only solution to the crisis, the only way out from imperialism and the only road to achieve the ultimate goal of the struggles of the proletarians and oppressed people.
This demands the strengthening and building of MLM communist parties in each country, as a new kind of communist party, as vanguard detachments of the proletariat and leading core of all the people, as a party fighting for the revolution.
In the countries oppressed by imperialism the perspective of people's war is advancing. In India, the people's war led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) successfully withstands unprecedented attacks by the enemy and is able to expand and advance. The people's war in the Philippines led by the Communist Party of the Phillipines advances and establishes itself as an important part of the wave of world revolution. The people's war in Peru, initiated under the leadership of the Communist Party of Peru led by chairman Gonzalo remains an ideological and strategic beacon for the whole international communist movement. Though it faces setback due to the attacks of the enemy and from revisionists within the party, the struggle to overcome these hurdles persists. In Nepal ten years of people's war enriched the history and experience of the international communist movement and made significant advance towards the victory of the new democratic revolution. In recent years, however, a revisionist line that betrays the people’s war and the revolution emerged, headed by Prachanda and Bhattarai. The Maoists within the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [UCPN(M)] must save the revolution and resume its march by revolting against that line and standing firm against centrist vacillations, inside and outside the party. In Turkey, the revolutionary struggles led by the Maoists are advancing in the pursuit of the people's war strategy suited to the conditions of this country, placed as it is amidst two international theatres, the European imperialist countries and the regimes ruled by the reactionaries in West Asia. In other countries of South Asia and Latin America, the people's war is in preparation for new beginnings and progresses. It is a task of communists around the world to put into the practice the proletarian internationalism, popularize and support the people’s wars and revolutionary struggles.
In the imperialist countries, electoralism, parliamentarism and political and union reformism are increasingly in crisis and, through this, revisionism is bankrupt. The need of a revolutionary organization and a revolutionary strategy to overthrow the bourgeoisie and seize the power is increasingly advancing and strengthening in the workers and people's movements.. The idea that as long as the proletarians are not in power it is an illusion to think that their lot will improve
is growing. The workers' struggles and the uprisings of proletarians and young people must coordinate and grow within a perspective of overthrowing the governments and states of the imperialist bourgeoisie, for the seizure of power by the proletariat.
In order to transform these needs into reality, these movements into revolution, we need to build MLM communist parties, in the fire of class struggle and in close link with the masses, for the proletarian revolution, with the MLM strategy of the revolutionary war culminating with the insurrection, adapted to each country according to the concrete conditions.
In all countries
we need communist parties based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, able to lead the class struggle in all fields and aimed at seizing the political power. In each country the Maoist communists strive to answer this need for a scientific and determined leadership for the class struggle, by fighting all kinds of revisionist and reformist, or dogmatist and extremist deviations, in all their forms.
Our class can rely on the huge amount of experience through 140 years of struggles and revolutions, from the birth of the glorious Paris Commune through the peaks of the October Revolution, the Chinese revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We must learn from both our victories and defeats, from our correctness as well as from our mistakes.
Always in their entire history, the communists have built, participated and counted on an international organization of the proletariat and the oppressed masses. Without the First, the Second and Third International, the communist movement would not have spread to every corner of the world, neither would it have achieved its great victories, and would not have learned the lessons from its temporary defeats.
The battle of Mao Tsetung was an international battle that paved the way to the revival of communist parties after the establishment of Kruschevite revisionism in the international communist movement.
After Mao's death and the end of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) has allowed the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists in the world to begin to unite on an international scale, to resume the march towards a new Communist International.
Today, facing the crisis and the collapse of the RIM, we must rebuild the international organization of MLM parties and organizations on the basis of the positive and negative experiences of the RIM. The current situation presents the need to unite in this new organization all the MLM parties and organizations, inside and outside the RIM, for a political and organizational leap. This is necessary to put the communist movement at the height of the class struggle in the new century. Thus the needs of the proletariat and the oppressed masses, facing the impact of the crisis of imperialism, can be met.
The new international organization must unite in its ranks the genuine MLM parties and organizations that exist and operate in the class struggle, that transform the revolutionary theory into revolutionary practice, that are able to be an advanced and integrant part of the proletariat and the oppressed masses, getting rid of all the old and new waste, not only of revisionism but also of the petty bourgeois revolutionaries and the self-referring "virtualism".
To build this new international organization we must break with revisionism in all its aspects and particularly with those that have led to the current crisis and collapse of the RIM, namely the post-MLM 'new synthesis' of Bob Avakian in the Revolutionary Communist Party,US and the revisionist line established by Prachanda/Bhattarai in the UCPN(M).
The new international organization should have an executive centre, whose internal life must correspond to the stage and methods shared by the political parties and forces that give life to this organization, particularly taking lesson from the positive and negative experiences of the CoRim.
The international organization of MLM communists is and should be the core of a front, of an international anti-imperialist alliance of the proletarians and oppressed peoples.
It is this that will allow the MLM communist parties to establish and develop Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, realize a new unity of the international communist movement, place it at the van of worldwide people’s struggles and fully unleash and realize the potential new wave of world revolution.
Imperialism has no future! The future belongs to communism!

for SM of RIM
signed and diffused from
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan;
Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari];
Maoist Communist Party - Italy;

May first 2012